Peru's 'Cold War' Against Indigenous Peoples

Kristina Aiello

The recent conflict in the Peruvian Amazon is only the most violent symptom of an ongoing cold war being waged by President Alan García and his ruling Aprista party against indigenous groups. Besides a racist propaganda campaign and violent repression, the government has tried highly suspect legal mechanisms to disarticulate indigenous power.

Government propaganda is aimed at pushing a free market economic development model with a strong focus on trade and natural resource exploitation. García has issued a series of decrees required by the U.S.-Peru free trade agreement (FTA) to open up the Amazon to exploration and exploitation of its natural resources. A recent study shows García's initiative projects to concession off blocs covering up to 72 percent of Peru's Amazon to oil and gas companies.

In the process, the García administration has placed its free market ideology on a collision course with collective indigenous land and natural resource rights, which are protected under international law. But the plan backfired amid the government's response to opposition and its brutal repression of indigenous protestors. A recent poll found that 92 percent of Peruvians support the indigenous cause against the Amazon decrees.

The most despised of García's decrees were repealed. But the government has nonetheless continued a low-intensity conflict against Peru's indigenous groups. For García, a central tactic has involved trying to associate indigenous groups with Hugo Chávez and Evo Morales. In a recent statement, clearly alluding to his left-leaning rivals, García said, "Peru is living a cold war against foreign leaders."

But even before the violence broke out in the Amazon, the real cold war was the one being waged by García against Peru's indigenous peoples. The battle in the Amazon was the violent culmination of months of government harassment and low-intensity conflict. Despite stirring up intense opposition, García seems intent on pushing forward with his unpopular agenda.

The Propaganda War

Even prior to the formal implementation of the FTA with the United States last February, García was already laying down the foundation for his cold war. In October 2007, he penned an opinion piece titled "El syndrome del perro del hortelano," or the syndrome of the barnyard dog, for the Lima-based daily El Comercio. The title compares those advocating for the protection of the Amazon’s resources to a barnyard dog growling over food that it does not eat but will not let others have. Besides insinuating a racist comparison between indigenous peoples and dogs, García blamed his opponents – singling out indigenous – for standing in the way of Peru’s development via foreign capital.


Since Peru's congress ratified the FTA, García has twice faced off against Amazon indigenous groups over the natural resources in their territories. On both occasions – in August 2008 and the recent uprising in June – García's decrees sparked large public protests principally led by the Association for the Development of the Peruvian Amazon (Aidesep), Peru’s largest national organization of Amazonian indigenous communities. The President responded to both protests by suspending constitutional guarantees in the restive provinces and the mass deployment of security forces to the regions.

García also made statements intended to frighten Peruvians who have only recently begun to recover from twenty years of political violence. He evoked images of dangerous armed insurgents in an attempt to paint indigenous protests as part of a larger plot to destabilize the country. He resorted to the language of Peru's brutal civil war in which 75,000 people lost their lives by absurdly blaming the protests on "international communism."

A police general even blamed indigenous protestors for firing on a helicopter, an act that in reality occurred hundreds of miles of away in an incident with drug-funded Shining Path guerrillas, according to Ideele Magazine. The deliberate confusion of the two events was a clear attempt to draw correlations between the indigenous protests and the armed group that terrorized Peru for so many years.

'The Communist Threat'

The García administration made outlandish accusations that the main opposition party and the Bolivian and Venezuelan governments were behind the protests. And in an apparent attempt to weaken political opposition, one government-aligned leader of the Congressional Ethics Committee stated her intention to investigate whether sufficient evidence existed to take action against opposition legislators with ties to Alberto Pizango, Aidesep's President. The indigenous leader was recently forced to flee Peru after the government filed sedition and rebellion charges against him for the violence in Bagua, which was the epicenter of the most recent mobilizations.

García has portrayed the protests as part of a communist plot initiated by Venezuela and Bolivia, but he has publicly admitted to having no evidence for the accusation. Prime Minister Yehude Simon, who has been a key figure of the government's propaganda campaign, echoed the baseless charges. (Amid public pressure, Simon has since been replaced.) For Simon, it was all part of a vast conspiracy in which Bolivia and Venezuela were trying to weaken Peru's hydrocarbons industry in an effort to boost their own.

García has backed these accusations with actions. His administration recently launched an investigation into Aidesep by the Peruvian Agency for International Cooperation (APCI). The President modified APCI’s authority through a much-criticized 2006 statute that greatly enhanced governmental controls over the operations of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This is the second time Aidesep is being investigated by the APCI.

The Legal Machinations

APCI’s mandate includes monitoring NGO projects and activities to ensure that they are in line with the government's own development goals – in the case of the García administration, free trade and the exploitation of natural resources. As part of this process, the agency requires NGOs receiving international funding and certain state benefits to register with the agency. The law also introduced new enforcement measures that allowed the agency to fine NGOs and even revoke their legal status, barring them from receiving outside funds for non-compliance with ACPI registration and government development directives. In a September 2007 opinion, a Peruvian high court declared parts of the law unconstitutional, but many of the stipulations introduced by García remain.

The timing of the investigations and statements made by APCI officials indicate strong political motivations. The first APCI investigation was launched in August 2008 during intense negotiations between indigenous protestors and the government. At that time, APCI executive director Carlos Pando advised NGOs to abstain from involving themselves in social conflicts because that went against the nature of their work. He expressed being concerned about the influence that certain NGOs had over indigenous communities by providing them with false information that often led them to protest government actions. He also warned them that these activities could lead to the cancellation of NGO's legal status. By the end of August, however, Congress repealed the controversial decrees and the APCI investigation concluded without result.

The second investigation was announced in May 2009 in the middle of the 60-day standoff in the Amazon. Its announcement sparked widespread condemnation by human rights groups angered by its apparent arbitrariness. Critics of the move noted that APCI was strictly barred from using its fiscal authority to threaten the daily workings of an NGO. They also asserted that the second APCI investigation appeared to violate governmental assurances of objectivity made during an October 2008 thematic hearing on the subject held at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in Washington, D.C.

At the same time, the administration was trying to portray indigenous peoples as a threat to the country’s national security, García again labeled indigenous protesters as simple people who failed to understand the true purpose of the decrees opening up the jungle for resource extraction. He asserted that contrary to harming indigenous lands, the decrees were designed to actually protect the Amazon from coca producers, contamination from illegal mining and illegal logging. These assertions were repeated in proclamations published by Peruvian embassies abroad, likely in an attempt to quell the huge global recrimination of his government’s actions.

Local Media Complicity

The national Peruvian media, often accused of representing the interests of the politically and economically powerful, eagerly supported the racist stereotyping of indigenous peoples. Indigenous were routinely portrayed as uneducated or ill prepared and therefore not qualified to participate in any national debate over the future of their country.

A particularly egregious example was a front-page photo of indigenous congresswoman Hilaria Supa, a representative from Cuzco, that appeared in the April 17, 2009, edition of the Peruvian daily El Correo. The photo, published in the middle of the Spring protests, shows a close-up of her handwritten notes that were obviously presented to ridicule the native Quechua speaking congresswoman for her Spanish writing abilities.

The accompanying articles insinuated that congresswoman Supa’s limited Spanish skills were evidence of her lack of preparation for high office, something she only achieved, said the newspaper, because of racial politics. The articles attacking Supa’s credibility did not stop there. They also referenced her previous stands against the García administration’s aggressive free trade policies as examples of her “poor” work as a congresswoman. García echoed these same sentiments when he referred to indigenous protesters as "second-class citizens" who dared to block Peru’s progress.

García's Utter Failure

Despite all his efforts, García appears to have lost yet another battle in this long cold war against indigenous groups. Once again, the Peruvian Congress has decided to repeal the controversial Amazon decrees – an action García now states he supports in the name of national unity. But the cold war continues and could possibly intensify into open battle, as happened the last time the government provoked the indigenous to protest.

In late June, a congressional committee approved a bill that amends the APCI statute to again allow for broad governmental regulation of NGOs. The new bill allows for the agency to regulate funding from private foreign sources. The law also expressly prohibits NGOs from making any kind of statement that could incite violence – an incredibly broad standard that could be used to criminalize NGOs as well as impose limits on their right to the freedom of expression and association.

Rolando Souza, a congressional ally of disgraced and jailed former President Alberto Fujimori, used the Bagua violence as an example of why the government should monitor the foreign financing of local groups. Congressman Souza singled out Aidesep as the principle reason for the legislative action. Still, those making such arguments have not presented a shred of evidence to support the claim of any foreign involvement.

Meanwhile, a June poll found that García's approval rating has sunk to a meager 21 percent. Broad sections of Peruvian society continue to take to the streets in protest of the García administration’s policies. In Cuzco campesinos recently declared a general strike to protest the granting of mining concessions totaling 70 percent of their province. Protestors were also demanding the enactment of a new Water Resources Law that declares water a national resource with its usage regulated by the state. Again, the government sent in troops to remove the protestors, resulting in the death of a campesino.

The government also continues to face the repercussions of the events that occurred in Bagua. On July 10, the Peruvian Ombusdman's Office announced its investigation into the disappearance of Lewis Wassum, a member of an Amazon indigenous community. Wassum was last seen in a photograph published June 8 that showed him being led into a police station in handcuffs. The government and indigenous leaders have also agreed to initiate an investigation into the events in Bagua.

The question remains as to whether or not García will continue his cold war against the country's indigenous peoples. But one thing seems certain: His administration has refused to back down on its goal of extracting resources from the Amazon, whatever the consequences. Less than two weeks after the Bagua violence, which some rights groups have called the Amazon's Tiananmen, the government gave a green light to a French oil company to begin drilling for oil in an area of the Amazon inhabited by uncontacted indigenous groups.

Stephen Corry, the director of Survival International, which advocates for indigenous rights worldwide, said, "Anyone who hoped that the dreadful violence of the past few weeks might have made Peru’s government act with a bit more sensitivity towards the indigenous people of the Amazon will be really dismayed at this news."

Corry continued, "The timing couldn’t be worse – the government is trying to present a more friendly image in public, but as far as the oil companies are concerned, it looks like business as usual."


Kristina Aiello is a NACLA Research Associate and a human rights advocate.

Republished from NACLA.

Peruvian President changes almost half his cabinet

IPS

Lima, July 12. In the midst of growing social protests and confrontations with the indigenous peoples of the Amazon, Peruvian president Alan Garcia, announced today changes to part of his ministerial cabinet. He replaced figures allied with the centre-left and took refuge in more conservative sectors.

Alan García changed six of fifteen of his immediate collaborators, beginning with the cabinet chief, centre-leftist, Yehude Simon, who was replaced by Javier Velásquez, legislator from the governing APRA party, who has presided over congress until now.

Interior minister Mercedes Cabanillas also left the government as well as Antero Flores Araoz the defense minister, two officials severely questioned due to the repression launched against the various protests that cover almost the entire territory.

This is the second time that, forced by a political crisis, Alan Garcia has changed part of his cabinet. In October 2008, then cabinet chief Jorge del Castillo and his collaborators resigned in block, alter the press released recordings revealing corruption in the negotiation of contracts with the State.

Del Castillo was then replace by Simon, governor of the Lambayeque region and former left deputy, who in the 90s was imprisoned for his presumed links with the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement.

Social protests multiplied throughout the entire country

The growth of social protests related to the lack of employment, low salaries, the establishment of laws that threatened land rights and natural resources of the Andean and Amazonian indigenous communities, as well as environmental demands from peoples affected by mining, prompting the government to impose a firm hand before before giving attention to the demands.

A report by the Ombudsman said that in June there were 273 social conflicts throughout the country and in October 2008, when Simon took over the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, 189.

It was because of a social conflict that Garcia had to change the Simon’s cabinet. It was specifically, the violent eviction, on June 5, by a contingent of policemen, of the indigenous people and residents in the Amazonian town of Bagua, who were protesting against the so-called laws of the jungle.

The clash ended with the deaths of at least 33 people, but the announcement of the resignation of Simon’s cabinet has not pacified mobilizations. Over the days 7, 8 and 9 July, union and social groups and opposition parties staged a strike that was concentrated in the southern Andes and the Amazon jungle. This time the capital of the country was not the main stage.

Against this background, Alan García has used an active member of the governing party to recompose his cabinet.

Velásquez has been a legislator since 1995 and has held positions of importance in the leadership of APRA, of which he has been a member since 1980, five years before Garcia's first government (1985-1990).

His presidency of the Congress, which he has held since July 2008, has been questioned. In fact, he refused to repeal the laws that led to the revolt of the indigenous Amazonian and punished seven legislators from the opposition who went on hunger strike in support of the natives.

For Garcia, the social conflicts are incited, encouraged or manipulated by individuals supposedly financed by the political movement led by the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez.

Just before installing the new cabinet, Alan García referred to the increasingly active ideological conflict in South America, in allusion to Chavez's supposed interference.

Translated by Kiraz Janicke. Republished from La Jornada

Confidence of Peru's social movements is growing

Karl Cosser

Although the struggle for the Amazon has been very hard for the indigenous community it is a great example of what can be achieved with great effort and solidarity. The June 11 demonstration in solidarity with the Amazon prompted the mobilzation of many various unions, students and even a left wing Christian political organisation who believe that Jesus was the first revolutionary. There was also of course a significant contingent of people from Amazon regions. Contingents converged from different streets to form one big demonstration of approximately 15.000 people at the dos de mayo plaza where the May day rally was held a few weeks before.

There was a lot of energy and passion in the rally as we marched the streets of Lima with banners and chanting "la selva no se vende", (the jungle is not for sale). Banners and graffiti also stated "APRA asesino" and "Garcia genocida", rightly placing the responsibility for the Bagua massacre on the Garcia government. The demonstration reached a fever pitch as it approached the police blockade several blocks away from congress and the plaza de mayo where the presidential palace is, with an increased intensity of percussion from the Amazon indigenous contingent.

Aggressively the police repressed the right to protest against the government when they opened fire with rubber bullets, tear gas bombs, batons and shields. The police response was indiscriminate; protesters aged as old as 65-70 were affected by the tear gas and had great difficulty breathing. In defense some demonstrators responded with sticks and stones, which the police threw back at the protesters. One Molotov cocktail was thrown. Most people were forced to run away from the police possibly in fear of similar aggression to that in Bagua.

However, once the tear gas blew away many came back to the police barricades to continue the protest in solidarity with many other demonstrations and blockades occurring all over Peru against the decrees 1090 and 1064, "the laws of the jungle" allowing international corporations to exploit the Amazon for resources.

Two days after the national strike there was a "pro democracy rally" in support of the Garcia government, which was allowed to begin three blocks ahead of where the police attacked protesters on June 11. The pro-rightwing rally was escorted by police and passed congress with no repression at all. The hypocrisy of promoting democracy in support of a brutally repressive government is ridiculously obvious with those supporting Garcia given greater freedom to mobilise while those against the government are attacked.

The private media in Peru are supporting the government and police reports of nine civilians killed in Bagua and 11 police killed, however, it has also been independently reported that there are many people still missing and over 150 civilians injured, of which most were from bullet wounds. One survivor of the Bagua massacre was treated for eight bullet wounds as he and many others were shot at while running away from the police.

The current Peruvian government is not a great example of democracy when those responsible for the death and injuries of many civilians are writing the reports and the private media are swallowing it up as it represents their own economic interests.

However, in he face of a repressive neo-liberal government, through relentless strikes, protests and blockades the 1090 and 1064 decrees were repealed demonstrating to the rest of the world what can be achieved through people power, especially for indigenous struggles such as in Australia. Prime Minister Yehude Simon has stated that he will be resigning over the Amazon conflict The confidence of recent gains is becoming apparent as protests and blockades continue throughout the country and there is ongoing solidarity between unions, campesinos and students to get rid of the rest of the ministers.

Censure motion against Peruvian Cabinet Chief defeated due to suspension of Nationalist Party legislators.

Kiraz Janicke

The Peruvian congress today rejected a censure motion against the Cabinet Chief Yehude Simon and Interior Minister, Mercedes Cabanillas, in relation to their handling of indigenous protests which lead to the Bagua massacre on June 5. Although the measure had majority support it did not count with the required number of votes to make it binding.

The censure motion against Simon counted with 56 votes in favor, 32 against and 11 abstentions.Similarly the censure motion against the interior minister received 55 votes in favor, 35 against and nine abstentions. According to parliamentary regulations, the motions required a majority of more than half the number of full members of congress, which is 61 votes.

The majority of opposition parties from Lourdes Flores’s rightwing National Unity party, the supporters of former president Alberto Fujimori, the Parliamentary Allianceand the Popular Bloc to the left-wing Nationalist Party voted in favor of the censure motion, which placed political responsibility for the clashes at Bagua, which left scores dead and hundreds disappeared, on Simon and Cabanillas.

President Garcia’s APRA party voted against the censure motion and parliamentarians from the Union for Peru (UPP) abstained, with the exception of legislator Isaac Serna who voted in favor of the motion.

However, seven Nationalist Party members, who were suspended for protesting Garcia’s unconstitutional decrees, which would have opened up vast swathes of indigenous peoples land in the Amazon for exploitation, were not permitted to exercise their right to vote. With the votes of these legislators the censure motion would have been passed.

Peru's premier quits after protests end in bloodshed

Guy Adams

The Prime Minister of Peru has announced he will resign, following weeks of turmoil in which scores of police and protesters have been killed in clashes over threats to the land rights of Amazon Indians.

Yehude Simon promised to leave office as soon as he can persuade the country's parliament to repeal two controversial new laws that would open vast swaths of the homeland of indigenous tribes to exploitation by foreign-owned mining and energy companies.

In a surprise announcement, made during an interview with Lima's RPP radio, Mr Simon said he will formally resign from President Alan Garcia's government "in the coming weeks, as soon as all is calm".

It came as opposition parties criticised his failure to avert bloodshed, despite spending months in negotiations with indigenous groups worried by the proposed laws, which would dramatically increase oil and logging concessions in 67 million hectares of rainforest.

Earlier this month, 2,000 Aguaruna and Wampi Indians, many carrying spears and machetes, clashed with heavily-armed police who tried to clear them from a blockaded road near the rural town of Bagua Grande, 870 miles north of the capital. Although the official death toll is just 34, hundreds of protesters are still missing. It has been described as "the Amazon's Tiananmen" and appears to have been sparked when police fired tear gas and automatic weapons into a crowd of aggressive protesters.

Following nationwide outrage, and a one-day general strike, a curfew around the surrounding area was lifted on Monday. As a result, international agencies are now starting to arrive on the scene to investigate reports that bodies may have been burned and buried in mass graves.

Mr Simon, a former left-wing activist who was made Prime Minister in October, becomes the second cabinet member, after the populist minister Carmen Vildoso, to resign over the incident. "This is a significant step. Yehude Simon is often seen as a potential presidential candidate" said Jonathan Mazower, an expert on Peruvian affairs for the London-based pressure group Survival International. "It's doubtful, though, that in itself it will be enough to mollify the indigenous movement, which is extremely angry at what has happened, and absolutely determined not to let the protesters' deaths be in vain."

Meanwhile Alberto Pizango, the leader of the country's Amazon Indians remains at the Nicaraguan embassy in Lima, where he fled after being charged with "sedition, conspiracy and rebellion". Though recently granted political asylum in the country, he has yet to be granted safe passage out of Peru.

Mr Simon had earlier announced, during a visit to Amazon tribal chiefs, that a bill was to be submitted to parliament lifting the temporary suspension of laws barring the logging of trees in the rainforest. He said that other unpopular decrees could also be repealed.


Republished from The Independent